The emphasis on environmental sustainability outcomes (ESO) in emerging economies has increased recently, requiring in-depth research to manage the complex interplay between socioeconomic and sociopolitical factors. With a particular focus on China, this study describes this significant relationship using a good technique that comprises standardized questionnaires administered to a large sample of different organizational levels. This research examined several factors and their effects on ESO. First, the results show that the kind of economic system (EST) directly affects ESO; no direct relationship was discovered between ESO and the industrialization level (LI). Furthermore, it was demonstrated that government funding for eco-sustainability projects (GFESP) and community engagement and eco-education initiatives (CEEEI) had a direct impact on ESO. Secondly, the results demonstrated that implementing eco-policies and regulations (IEPR) had a full mediating effect between EST and ESO. Third, political instability (PI) and corruption level (CL), which are essentially the outcome of China's current political and environmental issues, diminish the correlation between EST and ESO. These findings demonstrate that China's environmental sustainability has to be improved using a multimodal approach. The public is encouraged to push legislators to bolster eco-laws and policies in order to emphasize environmental preservation. Initiatives to reduce corruption and maintain political stability may also bolster the beneficial effects of economic frameworks on ESO.

This paper explores the factors that influence redistributive preferences in the context of significant economic transformation, focusing on the transition premium and growth. Using an online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample from China, we find that priming getting rich via relatively less meritocratic, yet representative ways under market transition in post-reform China reduces redistributive support, specifically for policies that aim to take from the rich and the belief in the government’s duty to redistribute, indicating the presence of a set of fairness views in China that deviate from the conventional meritocratic paradigm. Heterogeneous treatment effects analyses reveal that such non-meritocratic fairness views are a general phenomenon, and self-interest in the form of subjective economic pressure only serves as a secondary concern. While people feel that the rich are more deserving and demand less redistribution regardless of subjective economic pressure, only those under less economic pressure exhibit decreased support for policies that aim to help the poor. These representative ways of getting rich under market transition are similarly fair compared to winning a lottery, far less fair than a self-made entrepreneur, but much more legitimate than acquiring wealth through corruption. Priming China’s growth story does not result in statistically significant changes in redistributive support. Additionally, we rule out the influence of three relevant confounders: low tax salience, preference falsification under authoritarianism, and misperceptions about relative income positions and intergenerational occupational mobility. We argue that such non-meritocratic fairness views are particularly salient in societies that break away from a centrally-planned economic system in the past and transition towards a high-growth market economy, where economic opportunities are becoming more inclusive.

Based on the research of foreign capital flows and financial risks, this note puts forward the conceptual model─“Foreign Capital Reliance”(FCR), and analyses its interior development mechanism and the possibility & inevitability of its result in Financial Crisis from the perspective of monetary capital. The author believes that financial risks also exist in foreign capital flows, and foreign capital inflows are entirely possible to result in a more fragile economic system. The author also regards Asian Financial Crisis as Crisis typical of FCR. The empirical analyses of sampling five Asian countries: Thailand, Korea, Indonesia, Malaysia and Philippines support the arguments.